Baradi and Djerbi: Families from Navarra, Aragon, and Catalonia
Author: Roger Martínez-Dávila, Ph.D.
Cite as: Sephardic Ancestry. "Baradi and Djerbi: Families from Navarra, Aragon, and Catalonia." Sephardic Ancestry is a non-profit, educational, and research effort guided by Dr. Martínez-Dávila. These materials are shared via Creative Commons license (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0). https://sephardicancestry.org/baradi-families-from-navarra-aragon-and-catalonia
Origins of the Surname
The origins of the Baradi and Djerbi surnames are reflective of the international character and economic relationships of many Navarrese and Catalan-Aragonese Sephardic Jewish families. The Kingdom of Navarra had a vibrant Jewish community during the High Middle Ages (1200-1400) and the Baradi were prominent in the royal city of Pamplona, as well as in Tudela and Estella. The Djerbi, and extended family of the Baradi, were a well-entrenched family in the city of Barcelona.
The Baradi (also known as “Auenbarba”, “Barba”, “Barbamplo”, “Gabarad”, “Bardaxo”, etc.) is a Sephardic Jewish family with origins in the Basque and Spanish region previously known as the Kingdom of Navarra. As previously indicated, due to the high intermixing of speakers of Hebrew, Castilian Spanish, French, and Euskara in this section of medieval Spain, the modern Baradi surname is quite different from its origins, “Euenbarba”. Relying on my paleographic and historical expertise, I believe it is very common to witness surname changes during the Middle Ages. The linguistic and spelling changes of names like “Baradi” are not unusual given there were no formal grammar rules or spellings for any European vernacular language (not including Latin) until 1492. The first grammar book, Gramática de la lengua castellana (1492), was written by the converso Antonio de Nebrija. Before this date, and as evidenced in almost all of the manuscripts I have evaluated, spellings varied, terminology was interchangeable, and grammar was quite flexible. Manuscripts generally followed local and regional preferences. In addition, diacritical marks (i.e. accents and other notations) rarely appear on the page.
Furthermore, when Spanish Christian notaries recorded surnames of Hebrew and Arabic origin, they only could phonetically-record the sounds they heard. Therefore, surnames like “Euenbarba”, which appear in medieval manuscripts, are a notary’s “best guess” at recording a surname such as “Ibn Barda” or “Ibn Barba”. In both cases, “ibn” is an Arabic word for “son of”, therefore “Euenbarba” would read in English, “son of Barda”. In the table below, I present the linguistic-shifting of the Baradi name according to original manuscripts (and transcriptions) from the Kingdom of Navarra. (See Table 1: Baradi Surname Changes from Medieval Manuscripts.) In the case of the Barardi surname, there is high-variability in its spelling and these changes include the exchanging of the letter “b” and “d”, which often are written with almost the exact morphological characteristics in medieval manuscripts. In addition, the letter “e” and “i”, “u” and “v”, and “i” and “l” can often be interchanged. It is also worth noting that prefixes (sounds before the surname) and suffixes (sounds after the surname) were often written in medieval manuscripts. For this reason, most academic scholars do not rely on standardized spellings of surnames and instead consider each instance of a surname in relationship to others. Put succinctly, there is no proper or standard medieval spelling for the modern surname, Baradi.
Table 1: Baradi Surname Changes from Medieval Manuscripts
Surname Reported in Original Manuscript
Year of Manuscript
Manuscript Source
Euenbarba
1291
AGN Comptos,
Registro de Comptos de los merinos y bailes de Navarra, N. 5, Folios 1-77v.
Barba
1322
AGN Comptos,
Cuentas del baile y justica de Tudela, Caja 6 N. 14, Folios 1-11
Barbaamplo
1333, 1342
AGN Comptos,
Cuentas de Symon Aubert, tesorero del reino, con recibidores y otros oficiales del reino, Registro 31, Folios 1-205
; AGN Comptos,
Registros de cuentas del tesorero y otros oficiales del reino, Reg. 46, Folios 2-218.
Barbaamplu
1334
AGN Comptos,
Cuentas del tesorero, los recibidores y otros oficiales del reino, Registro 34, Folios 1, 76-79v.
Barbaampla
1336
AGN Comptos
, Pedro Paisera y Bartolomé, el mercero, comisionados por el gobernador del reino para reedificar la judería de Pamplona, dan a censo a Samuel Alborge, el joven, y a Salomón Alborge, su suegro, una plaza en la mencionada judería, Caja 7, N. 67
La Barba
1345, 1366
AGN Comptos,
Registros de cuentas del tesorero y otros oficiales del reíno, Reg. 55, Folios 1-340;
AGN Comptos,
Libro de fuegos o de la ayuda de los cuarenta mil florines otorgados al rey en la villa de Tudela,
Libro de fuegos de 1366.
Gabay or Gabarda
1367
AGN, Comptos
, Partidas del sello de Tudela, Caj. 19, núm. 40, fols. 24-39.
Bardaxo
1384
AGN, Comptos
, Libro del valor del sello de Tudela, Caj. 66, núm. 10, fols. 34-57
Bardajo
1404
AGN, Comptos
, 1404. Registro del sello de Tudela, Caj. 88, núm. 7, fols. 26-32.
Barbarin
1406
AGN, Comptos,
1407. Registro del sello de la villa de Los Arcos, Reg. 295, fols. 254-259.
The Djerbi, another Sephardic family, are also known as the “Gerbi”, “Geribi”, “Djeribi”, and “Gerbes”, may have been originally from the island of Dejerba off the coast of Tunisia, but have definitive residential links to Barcelona in the Kingdom of Catalonia and Aragon. According to Alisa Meyuḥas Ginio, Professor Emeritus of History at the Department of History, Tel Aviv University, during the Middle Ages there was a strong two-way relationship between Djerban and the Catalan-Aragonese Jewish communities. In The Jews of Spain: A History of the Sephardic Experience, Professor Jane Gerber of the City University of New York-Graduate Center states:
The ‘exiles of Jerusalem who were in Sepharad’ became the exiles of Sepharad in Djerba, and Gibraltar, Belgrade and Valona, Cairo and Alexandria, Casablanca and Meknes. Neither the paths of their dispersion nor the process of cultural amalgamation have been predictable or easily comprehended.
Thus, from the height of Aragonese-Catalan maritime political and economic power in the 1200s until the expulsion in 1492, there was a three-hundred year shared Jewish history for Tunisia and Spain. After 1492, a relatively small population of Jewish families relocated to Dejerba and this included Rabbi Yitzhak Bar Sheshet and rabbis from the Duran family.
Discussion of Primary and Secondary Source Materials
The Baradi, and its associated extended families (the Djerbi), are a prominent Sephardic Jewish clan that figures distinctly into the social and cultural history of the Kingdom of Navarra and the Jewish communities (juderías) along the Ebro River Valley.[1] At the royal city of Pamplona, the long-standing village of Estella, and the prosperous town of Tudela, the Jewish communities in the kingdom were important economic agents and merchants, and intriguingly, were crucial to the kingdom’s cultural and communal support of Christian pilgrims traveling the “French” way of the Camino de Santiago to visit St. James’ grave at the cathedral of Santiago de Compostela in Galicia. It is in this respect, the Baradi are particularly important contributors to the formation and creation of the medieval Spanish identity that interlinked Jews, Christians, and Muslims into a larger community focused on collective prosperity and shared ways of life.
Figure 1: The Jewish Communities of the Kingdom of Navarra (11th-14th Centuries) presents the medieval kingdom’s principal cities and towns, all of which had their own respective juderías (Jewish quarters and communities) as well as the Camino de Santiago marked by the pilgrim shell.
Figure 1: The Jewish Communities of the Kingdom of Navarra (11th-14th Centuries)
Source: Juan Carrasco, “Juderías y Sinagogas en el reino de Navarra”, 145.
The Baradi Family in Tudela
Tudela is one of the oldest Jewish communities in the Kingdom of Navarra and it is recorded in medieval manuscripts as early as the 9th century (the 800s). Among its most important Jewish personalities were the poet Yehuda-ha-Levi (lived 1046-1051), the polygraph Abraham ibn Ezra(1089-1164), and the illustrious traveler Benjamín de Tudela (1130-1175). Figure 2 presents the locations of the old and new Jewish quarters (“judería” and “judería vieja”) of the city.
Figure 2: Map of the Medieval City of Tudela
Source: Juan Carrasco, “Juderías y Sinagogas en el reino de Navarra”, 154.
Among the first indications of the early origins of the Baradi is from the year 1291 and an extensive 140+ page (folio) register produced by the royal notaries of the Kingdom of Navarra. According to the principal tax collector, Johanis de Yanuila, in the city of Tudela a tax payment of three solidis (a type of Spanish currency) was paid by the family. The record is relatively minimal, but it establishes that the Baradi (here known as the “Euenbarba”) owned an ancestral (heredades) home (casa) in the city. The Baradi are clearly noted in this record as among the Jewish community of Tudela as they are included in the enormous record that details a wide range of Jewish tax payments for kosher butchers, general poll taxes, other residences, the synagogue, and many types of productive properties (shops, tanneries, vineyards).
Approximately 30 years later, in 1322, we encounter the first fully-identifiable clansman – Naçan Barba – who along with other Jewish men from Tudela pays twelve denari (a type of Spanish currency) to the crown of Navarra. Naçan’s payment is specifically tied to the required poll taxes imposed on the Jewish community of Tudela per its unique Jewish fuero, a royally-decreed city charter establishing the rights, privileges, and responsibilities of the king and the Jewish community. This Jewish fuero is quite uncommon as in most cases only Christian cities were granted charters. Here, the king’s fuero with the Jews of Tudela indicates the prominence and economic vitality of the community. In 1342, we encounter the broader family relationships of the Baradi family in Tudela, which included the Jewish Xoep clan. In this year, 1342, we can precisely state that Açach (Isaac), the son of Salamon Xoep, and his wife Duenya, the daughter of Salamon Barba Amplo, were in a significant, but uncertain dispute with her husband over her pregnancy. The record is quite unusual, but it does demonstrate how civil matters in the Jewish community could come to the attention of royal officials who were always ready to approve financial fines. This record indicates that Açach was fined by the local Jewish community a sum of 10 solidi (a type of Spanish currency) before he would be allowed to return to the synagogue of Tudela.
In the village of Cascante, a neighboring town of Tudela, the Baradi family were also integral members of the broader community. The Baradi served in the traditional Jewish role as money lenders to Christian families due to Christian concerns about intra-faith usury. In 1367, Pero Caro (or “Pedro Caro”) who was the Christian notary of Cascante, recorded that Naçan del Gabay (or “Naçan Garbarda”) was paid a debt of 16 sueldos (a type of Spanish currency) for a loan previously made to Ximeno de Carcastillo and his wife, Taresa. (See Figure 3 – Partial manuscript image for 1367. Emolumento de las cartas del sello Cascante, AGN Comptos, Caj. 19, No. 40, Folio 1 recto-verso.)
Figure 3 – Partial manuscript image for 1367. Emolumento de las cartas del sello Cascante, AGN Comptos, Caj. 19, No. 40, Folio 1 recto-verso
In other cases, the Baradi were considered to be reliable witnesses for transactions that involved both Christian and Jewish parties. For example, on the 22nd of January of 1384 in the city of Tudela, Diago Bardaxo and Gento Burgales, noted as “Jews, residents of Coreilla”, witnessed the promised payments by a local friar to a Jewish merchant. In this case, Friar Garcia, Abbot of Fitero, promised to pay several “old measures” wheat and monies to Abraham Gamiz, a Jewish resident of Tudela, from the month of August until the first of the new year (presumably, January 1385). (See Figure 4 – Partial manuscript image for 1391-1393. Libro del valor del sello de Tudela, AGN Comptos, Caj. 66, núm. 10, fols. 34r.)
Figure 4 – Partial manuscript image for 1391-1393. Libro del valor del sello de Tudela, AGN Comptos, Caj. 66, núm. 10, fols. 34r.
The Baradi Family in Pamplona and San Juan Pie de Puerto
By 1333 and 1334, the family appears in the city of Pamplona. Specifically, the king’s royal treasurer Symon Aubert is joined by “tax collectors” and “other officials of the kingdom” and administers the collection of “tribute from the butchers of [city of] Pamplona”. Alongside of other Jews, Gento Barba (also known as Gento Barba Amplo, “The Great”) pays a royal tax of 12 denari (a type of Spanish currency) for the butchering of five goats. In another tax collection document and person census, dated to 1334, Gento Barba (recorded as “Gento Barba Amplu”) appears again in Pamplona and pays another 12 denari to the Navarrese king as a religious poll tax.
On May 5, 1336, the privileged position of the Baradi family as one of the principal Jewish clans of the city becomes clear and convincing when Gento Barba (recorded differently as “Gento Barba Ampla”) serves as the representative for the Jewish community of Pamplona when it prepares to rebuild. Contextually, it is important to know that Jewish community of Pamplona is recorded as a proper religious quarter in the year 1063 and under the rule of King Sancho Garcés IV. Figure 5 presents the southeastern location (“judería”) of the Jewish quarter in the city.
Figure 5: Map of the Medieval City of Pamplona
Source: Juan Carrasco, “Juderías y Sinagogas en el reino de Navarra”, 150.
By 1266, it is estimated that approximately 150 Jewish families lived in Pamplona, which at this time, was the second largest Jewish community in Navarra (after the town of Estella). Unfortunately, in 1276, and typical of the nature of medieval Christian warfare, the Jewish quarter of Pamplona was caught in the midst of a succession war (“The War of the Navarreria”) involving French Queen Blanca de Artois. Her son, Felipe III el Attrevido, sought to bring the rebellious city back under the control of the queen, and in doing so, destroyed large portions of the city and unleashed a “brutal attack” on its judería. Sixty years after these destructive and violent events, the Jews of Pamplona were permitted by the new king of Navarra, Felipe de Évreux, to “rebuild the Jewish quarter”. Charged, in 1336, with the responsibility of serving as chief Jewish leader for the agreement with the king’s porter, Johan Marra, was Gento Barba. In this manner, the Baradi family was not only a member of the Jewish community, but one that stewarded its wellbeing.
In 1344 and north of the city of Pamplona, in a French-Navarrese region known as San Juan Pie de Puerto (or Lower Navarra), the Baradi clan counted among its own shepherds like Abraham la Barba and animal furrier like Mayer de Barba. At these farther reaches of the kingdom, we can appreciate how Jews also occupied occupations that were not traditionally associated with their urban counterparts. As such, these members of the family were unable to pay the typical religious poll taxes required of them. In manuscript records created by the king’s register in 1345, it is noted that Abraham la Barba “can only pay 8 solidi (a type of Spanish currency) due to his poverty” and Mayer la Barba could only pay two solidi.
The Baradi Family in Estella
The most prominent of the Jewish communities in the Kingdom of Navarra was the town of Estella, located southwest of the capital of Pamplona. The community not only had a vibrant and wealthy Jewish population, but also the city with the largest French population in Spain during the Middle Ages. Figure 6 presents the location of the extensive Jewish quarter (“judería”) of the city.
Figure 6: Map of the Medieval City of Estella
Source: Juan Carrasco, “Juderías y Sinagogas en el reino de Navarra”, 156.
The community consistently found itself pulled in-between the competing Kingdom of Navara and Kingdom of Aragon and was not firmly entrenched in Navarra until the rule of King García Ramírez around 1135. Consistently, the kingdom depended on the wealth of the predominantly-Jewish merchant class and “the fruits of the Jews”, or rich tax income. The wealth of the Jewish community is often tied to a particular text known as the Libro de fuegos, which in 1366 recorded a stupendous collection of 40,000 gold florins in income from the region. In this year, “Yuce (Joseph) de la Barba, the merchant”, is named as one of the contributors of 2,072.5 gold florins from the city of Estella. Yuce de la Barba appears prominently in Folio 152 recto of the Libro de fuegos de 1366. (See Figure 7 – Yuce de la Barba, 1366.)
Figure 7: Yuce de la Barba, 1366
Djerbi Family (an extended family of the Baradi)
Without question the Djerbi families was not only of Sephardic Jewish origin, but also an important community and merchant clan who inhabited the city of Barcelona, Spain, and the region. The family was predominantly located in the Spanish cities of Barcelona and possibly Lorca, as well as the island of Dejerba (modern-day Tunisia) when it was under the political authority of the Kingdom of Aragon and Catalonia. The most distressing aspect of the historical outcomes for the Djerbi clan is what occurred for those extended family members who did not leave Spain with the formal expulsion in 1492 – they were tortured under the orders of the Holy Office of the Inquisition in Barcelona in 1572. Thus, it is with little doubt that the only means of survival for the Sephardic Jewish Djerbi was to choose exile from Spain.
In the case of the Djerbi family, no existing archival indexes mention or document the clan prior to expulsion of the Jews from Spain in 1492. The absence of primary source records for the Djerbi family indicates: (1) they did not create any corollary documents (last wills, property sales) or appear in others like royal decrees, (2) the records were lost or destroyed during the course of the last five hundred years, or (3) most likely, the records do exist, but they are very difficult to locate because of inadequate indexes.
More recently, late nineteenth through early twenty-first century scholarly investigations began the analytical process of locating and documenting Jewish history within Spanish archival sources. As was demonstrated with the Iskandarani family, many scholars have written about the family because of their prominent political, religious, and economic identity in the city of Barcelona during the late Middle Ages.
However, from scholarly sources it is known that there were extensive connections between the Kingdom of Aragon and Catalonia, especially Barcelona, and the island of Dejerba. For an extended period, Dejerba was under the political authority of the Aragonese. In 1284, Roger de Lauria conquered the island of Dejerba for the Aragonese and it was held as a territory until 1335; the Aragonese remained continuously engaged to re-take Djerba throughout the 1300s.
The Spanish Jewish identities of the Djerbi can be authenticated by the Dicionario sefaradi de sobrenomes : inclusive cristao novos, conversos, marranos, italianos, berberes e sua historia na Espanha, Portugal e Italia (2003), which as published by Guilherme Faiguenboim, Paulo Valadares, Anna Rosa Campagnano. Additionally, according to Alisa Meyuḥas Ginio, Professor Emeritus of History at the Department of History, Tel Aviv University, during the Middle Ages there was a strong two-way relationship between Dejerban and the Catalan-Aragonese Jewish communities.
Recognizing that the Djerbi family was a more complicated research target, my investigation shifted to events and personages after the expulsion. If some extended Djerbi family members remained in Spain after 1492, they would have converted to Christianity and adapted their name to one that was linguistically-tuned to the Catalan and Castilian Spanish languages. Using this logic, we find excellent evidence for name-shifting when we consider how the name of Dejerba, the Tunisian island that was the medieval possession of the Crown of Aragon and later of great interest to the Spanish Crown during the 1500s, changed during the sixteenth-century.
Records from principal royal administrative archive of the Crown of Castile and Leon, the Archivo General de Simancas (Valladolid), includes a narrative record produced by Hugo de Moncada, a Capitán General of the Spanish military, who in 1520 referred to the island of “Dejerba” as “Gerbes”. Therefore, we know that in the 1500s Spaniards were using the name “Gerbes” as the term for “Dejerba” and it can be logically assumed that the Djerbi surname changed to Gerbes as the remaining family attempted to adapt and acculturate in Catholic Spain.
This research strategy proved successful as because some members of the Djerbi family did not leave Spain in 1492 and instead accepted their forced conversion from Judaism to Christianity. Via an onsite review of physical manuscripts at the Archivo Historico Nacional in Madrid, I located an investigation record for the Holy Office of the Inquisition in Barcelona for the years 1540 through 1575. Recorded in Inquisicion Libro 730 “Relación del auto de fe, causas de fe y causas de fe despachadas en visita, del Tribunal de la Inquisición de Barcelona entre 1571 y 1572”, the inquisitors reported “an account of those persons incarcerated and sentenced and persons that were taken to the ‘acto’ [formal public event] on the ninth of March of 1572.” Thus it is understood that in the following account, the inquisitors report the religious crimes and sentences for all Christians who were determined to be in violation of Christian religious law. A number of individuals were penanced through their execution by burning at the stake and others were reconciled to the church and publicly shamed. Further in the accounting, the inquisitors recount the outcomes of multiple cases (“procesos”) were a legal sentence was satisfied outside the public event.
Named under index number “93”, we learn about what befell the Mosen Gerbers (“Djerbi”) and the family who stayed in Catholic Spain. (Manuscript Images 2 and 3: Mosen Gerbes, Inquisition Record, Libro 730, Folios 164 recto – 164 verso.) The account records how Mosen Gerbes, a converso who was a priest, was tortured under suspicion of desecrating the Holy Eucharist and stealing a reliquary that held it (“monstrance). Folios 163 verso through 164 recto report:
Mosen Gerbes, clergy, resident of the [neighborhood] of Cerda [in Barcelona] was accused because he had stolen a holy monstrance (“sagrario”) from a church with the holy Eucharist and broken the forms of […illegible] on account of this act and by due indications and suspicions [he] was put to question of torment (“tortured”) with a witness present. He denied [the accusations] and everything and the torment was ceased and he was absolved in this instance.
(See Figure 8 – Mosen Gerbes, Inquisition Record, Libro 730, Folio 163 recto and Folio 164 verso.)
Figure 8 – Mosen Gerbes, Inquisition Record, Libro 730, Folio 163 recto and Folio 164 verso.
The account is highly revealing because it indicates that even eighty years after the expulsion of the Jews from Spain, their converso descendants were still under suspicion of being poor converts to Christianity. Even members of the Christian clergy were not exempt from further investigation and Mosen’s case appears to be one focused on intimidating and de-humanizing him because of his Jewish ancestry. Often, conversos were under intense religious scrutiny for religious failures and inquisition processes were used to test their Christian fealty. The charge Mosen face was extremely serious because any desecration of the Holy Eucharist was tantamount to the spiritual and physical mutilation of Christ’s body. The charge is highly similar to medieval Christian charges of blood libel against Jews for their role in the crucifixion of Christ. In this case, the accusations against Mosen appear to have been false charges because his denials were convincing to members of the inquisition, the charges were dropped, and he was released with no further record of additional investigations or interviews.
Bibliography
Primary Sources
Archivo General de Navarra. Pamplona.
Comptos, Registro de Comptos de los merinos y bailes de Navarra, N. 5, Folios 1-77v.
Comptos, Cuentas del baile y justica de Tudela, Caja 6 N. 14, Folios 1-11.
Comptos, Cuentas de Symon Aubert, tesorero del reino, con recibidores y otros oficiales del reino, Registro 31; Folios 1-205, Registro 33, Folios 1-55.
Comptos, Canto de la lezta de la carnicería de los judios de Pamplona, Registro. 32, Folios 89-91.
Comptos, Cuentas del tesorero, los recibidores y otros oficiales del reino, Registro 34, Folios 1-244 y Registro 35, Folios 229v-235v.
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